Gelyevich and the family name is Dugin. View a machine-translated version of the Russian de Raspoutine à Poutine PDF. Machine translation like Deepl or Google Translate is a useful starting point for translations, but translators must revise errors as necessary and confirm that the translation is accurate, rather than simply copy-pasting machine-translated text into the English Wikipedia.
Les » hommes de l’ombre « , ce sont des éminences grises qui ont forgé la Russie, de Nicolas II à Poutine. Raspoutine, fatal directeur de conscience de Nicolas II et de la tsarine ; Parvus, le financier occulte de Lénine ; Béria, le conseiller privilégié de Staline qui, en 1953, voulait en finir avec le règne du parti communiste en Russie ; Yakovlev, le véritable fossoyeur du régime totalitaire, surnommé le Vautrin de Gorbatchev ; Poutine lui-même, dont l’ascension au pouvoir commence après les attentats de Moscou.
Vladimir Fedorovski raconte l’action secrête des bolcheviks, des » maîtres espionnes » de Staline et des officiers du KGB qui ont façonné l’histoire de la Russie contemporaine.
Vladimir Fedorovski, diplomate, journaliste et ancien interprète de Leonid Brejnev, a notamment publié Le roman du Kremlin ; Le département du diable : la Russie insolite ; Russes de France : d’hier à aujourd’hui.
Do not translate text that appears unreliable or low-quality. If possible, verify the text with references provided in the foreign-language article. You must provide copyright attribution in the edit summary accompanying your translation by providing an interlanguage link to the source of your translation. Russian philosopher, political analyst, and strategist known for his fascist views. Dugin was born in Moscow, into the family of a colonel-general in the Soviet military intelligence and candidate of law Geliy Alexandrovich Dugin and his wife Galina, a doctor and candidate of medicine. Dugin in the 1980s was a dissident and an anti-communist. Dugin worked as a journalist before becoming involved in politics just before the fall of communism.
Borderless and Red », Dugin proclaimed the arrival of a « genuine, true, radically revolutionary and consistent, fascist fascism » in Russia. He believes that it was « by no means the racist and chauvinist aspects of National Socialism that determined the nature of its ideology. Dugin soon began publishing his own journal entitled Elementy, which initially began by praising Franco-Belgian Jean-François Thiriart, supporter of a Europe « from Dublin to Vladivostok ». Eduard Limonov to enter the political arena in 1994.
Dugin claims to be disapproving of liberalism and the West, particularly American hegemony. The Eurasia Party, later Eurasia Movement, was launched in April 2001 to promote the « Eurasian idea. Dugin was reported as the group’s founder. He said the movement would stress cultural diversity in Russian politics, and oppose « American style globalisation, and would also resist a return to communism and nationalism. In the Eurasian public discourse sphere, the totalitarian communist policy deployed in over three decades of works by various international groups that are part of the movement, is « a version of reintegration of the post-Soviet space into a « Eurasian » sphere of influence for Russia ». In 2005, Dugin founded the Eurasian Youth Union of Russia as the youth wing of the International Eurasia Movement. Ukraine gave Dugin a five-year entry ban, starting in June 2006, and Kiev declared him a persona non grata in 2007.
His Eurasian Youth Union was banned in Ukraine. Before war broke out between Russia and Georgia in 2008, Dugin visited South Ossetia and predicted, « Our troops will occupy the Georgian capital Tbilisi, the entire country, and perhaps even Ukraine and the Crimean Peninsula, which is historically part of Russia, anyway. Dugin was baptized at the age of six in the Russian Orthodox church of Michurinsk by his great-grandmother Elena Mikhailovna Kargaltseva. According to Marlene Laruelle, his adherence to the Old Believers allows him to stand between Paganism and Orthodox Christianity without formally adopting either of them. In the early 1990s Dugin’s work at the National Bolshevik Front included research into the roots of national movements and the activities of supporting esoteric groups in the first half of the 20th century.
Aleksandr Dugin supports Putin and his foreign policies but has opposed Russian governments due to their economic policies. His 2007 quote, « There are no more opponents of Putin’s course and, if there are, they are mentally ill and need to be sent off for clinical examination. In the Kremlin, Dugin represents the « war party », a division within the leadership over Ukraine. Dugin is seen as an author of Putin’s initiative for the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. Halya Coynash of the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group said that the influence of Dugin’s « Eurasian ideology » on events in eastern Ukraine and on Russia’s invasion of the Crimea was beyond any doubt. On 10 October 2014, Dugin said, « Only after restoring the Greater Russia that is the Eurasian Union, we can become a credible global player. Now these processes slowed down very much.
The Ukrainian maidan was the response of the West to the advance of the Russian integration. As Israeli political scientist Vyacheslav Likhachov states, « If one seriously takes the fact that such a person as Alexander Dugin is the ideologist of the imperial dash for the West, then one can establish that Russia is not going to stop as far as the Atlantic Ocean. In the 2014 article by Dmitry Bykov « Why TV, Alexander Dugin and Galina Pyshnyak crucified a boy », Channel One Russia’s use of the aired story by Dugin and Pyshnyak about the allegedly crucified boy as a pretext for escalating the conflict was compared to the case of Beilis. On 2 October 2014, Dugin described the situation in Donbass: « The humanitarian crisis has long since been raging on the territory of Novorossiya. Already up to a million, if not more, refugees are in the Russian Federation.